Monthly Archives: May 2016

Domenico Fontana

Archibasilique Saint-Jean de Latran.
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Domenico Fontana (Melide, 1543 – Naples, 1607), est un architecte tessinois maniériste qui a participé activement à la réurbanisation de Rome.

Il arrive à Rome vers ses vingt ans et se trouve sous la protection d’un mécène éclairé : le cardinal Montalto (qui deviendra en 1585 le pape Sixte V). Il s’illustre par les travaux de l’aménagement de la chapelle du Saint-Sacrement et le tombeau de Nicolas IV, à Sainte-Marie-Majeure entre 1570 et 1580. Sixte Quint lui confie en 1586 la tâche de dresser l’obélisque qu’on voit actuellement sur la place Saint-Pierre de Rome, et qui était alors sur le côté de la basilique Saint-Pierre de Rome, à moitié enseveli sous des ruines. Fort de cette expérience et toujours à la demande de Sixte Quint, il récupère, en 1587, l’obélisque placé par l’empereur Auguste au Circus Maximus et le dresse sur la Piazza del Popolo. Il installe deux autres obélisques, sur la place Sainte-Marie-Majeure et la place Saint-Jean de Latran et exécute l’aménagement de la place du Quirinal.
Il collabore aux travaux de Giacomo della Porta et Rome lui doit aussi le palais pontifical de Montecavallo, au Quirinal, la bibliothèque du Vatican, la Fontana dell’Acqua Felice, fontaine qui amène l’eau Prise au col delie Pantanelle, près du village de la Colonna à 20 kilomètres, destinée à alimenter les quartiers du Quirinal, du Monte Pincio et du Capitole. La dernière année du pontificat de Sixte V, il construit avec Giacomo della Porta, le dôme de Saint-Pierre imaginé par Michel-Ange.
À la mort de Sixte Quint, Fontana en disgrâce est accusé, par des ennemis jaloux, d’avoir détourné à son profit des sommes considérables et se voit obligé de quitter Rome. Il se retire à Naples, y est nommé ingénieur du roi, et y construit la fontaine Médina et le palais royal, ouvrages qui suffisent à sa réputation.
Son frère, architecte de moindre importance, est Giovanni Fontana (1546 – 1614).
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Gail R. Martin

Gail Roberta Martin (* 1944 in New York City) ist eine US-amerikanische Embryologin und Entwicklungsbiologin und emeritierte Professorin an der University of California, San Francisco (UCSF).

Martin wuchs in New York City auf. Sie studierte zunächst an der University of Wisconsin–Madison (Abschluss 1964) und erwarb 1971 bei Harry Rubin an der University of California, Berkeley einen PhD. Sie arbeitete als Postdoktorandin bei Martin Evans am University College London und ab 1975 bei Charles J. Epstein an der University of California, San Francisco, zu deren Lehrkörper sie seit 1976 zählte. Zuletzt hatte sie eine Professur in der Abteilung für Anatomie inne und leitete das dortige Graduiertenprogramm in Entwicklungsbiologie.
In frühen Arbeiten befasste sich Martin mit Stammzellen, für deren Isolierung und Kultivierung sie Verfahren entwickelte. Der Begriff „embryonale Stammzelle“ wurde durch sie geprägt.
An der UCSF befasste sich Martin damit, wie beim Wirbeltier im Embryo die Ausreifung der Organanlagen organisiert ist. In Tierversuchen auf molekularer und zellulärer Ebene konnte sie wesentlich zur Aufklärung der Bedeutung der Mitglieder der Familie der Fibroblasten-Wachstumsfaktoren (FGF) und ihrer Antagonisten (Gegenspieler) beitragen, insbesondere bei der Extremitätenentwicklung und der frühen Entwicklung des Gehirns.
Zu ihren zahlreichen Doktoranden und Postdoktoranden zählt auch der Molekularbiologe George M. Church. Gail R. Martin ist mit dem Briten Steven Martin verheiratet.

ARA Hércules (B-52)

aggiunti dopo l’ammodernamento;
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ARA Hércules (B-52) è una nave da trasporto multiruolo (Transportes Multipropósito) della Marina Argentina. Al momento della sua entrata in servizio era un cacciatorpediniere del tipo Type 42; realizzato in Gran Bretagna per la Armada Argentina, l’Hercules, durante la costruzione, dovette cedere la prua alla HMS Sheffield, una nave gemella della marina inglese, perché quest’ultima era stata danneggiata da un incendio. Il suo nome ripropone quello della fregata a vela omonima che fece parte della squadra navale comandata dall’ammiraglio Guillermo Brown che nel 1815 combatté una campagna navale contro gli spagnoli. Altra nave della squadra era la Santísima Trinidad, nome riproposto dalla marina argentina per l’unità gemella dello Hércules
Le Type 42 argentine, le prime navi sudamericane con capacità di difesa aerea a lungo raggio, avevano alcuni miglioramenti rispetto all’originale britannico, come i due lanciatori per missili Exocet e 4 mitragliatrici da 12,7 mm oltre all’armamento standard.
Dopo i lavori di riconversione in nave appoggio incursori, l’armamento rimasto consiste in 1 cannone Vickers 4.5″ (115 mm)/55 Mk8, automatico (il pezzo montato alla costruzione) e 2 mitragliatrici Oerlikon 20 mm MK7; la versione aviolanciata AM39 del missile Exocet è trasportata dai due elicotteri Sea King che trovano posto a bordo.

La nave vide un impiego operativo durante la guerra delle Falkland, quando partecipò alle fasi iniziali, l’operazione Rosario, scortando la portaerei Veinticinco de Mayo, e dopo l’arrivo della task force britannica, alla fallita operazione a tenaglia che avrebbe portato all’affondamento dell’incrociatore ARA General Belgrano, che con due cacciatorpediniere di scorta ed una petroliera componeva il Grupo de Tarea (Task Force) 79.3, silurato dal sottomarino britannico a propulsione nucleare Conqueror. Negli ordini operativi, il comando navale argentino aveva eliminato ogni restrizione all’uso di armi contro mezzi considerati nemici; il gruppo si diresse verso la squadra britannica con rotta da sud ovest, col compito di penetrare nella zona di operazioni (la Zona di Esclusione Totale dichiarata dai britannici) e lanciare un attacco contro le portaerei britanniche e le loro unità di scorta, operando a tenaglia con la portaerei ARA Veinticinco de Mayo ed i due cacciatorpediniere Type 42, lo Hercules e il Sàntisima Trinidad ,(componenti il Grupo de Tarea 79.2) che stava giungendo da nord. Il 1 maggio il GT 79.2 in navigazione (precisamente ia Sàntisima Trinidad, inquadrò nei radar di controllo tiro, lanciando anche dei missili Sea Dart, un velivolo Sea Harrier inglese della HMS Invincible in perlustrazione radar che però riuscì a sfuggire all’attacco. Per le precarie condizioni della catapulta della Veinticinco de Mayo e lo scarso vento in zona, non vi furono le condizioni per lanciare i cacciabombardieri A4 con un carico bellico adeguato, e il 2 maggio ai due Task Group venne ordinato un temporaneo ripiegamento al di fuori della zona di esclusione. In seguito all’affondamento del Belgrano la squadra non uscì più dal porto e i cacciatorpediniere Type 42 assicurarono la difesa antiearea costiera per il resto del conflitto.
Infine, L’Hercules venne pesantemente modificato per diventare nave veloce da sbarco incursori, da cui anche il cambio di matricola da D-1 a B-52. Il progetto Hercules venne iniziato nel 2000 presso i cantieri militari Astilleros ASMAR nella città cilena di Talcahuano; al termine dei lavori di trasformazione, nel 2004 la nave si trasferì nell’Arsenale della Base Naval Puerto Belgrano, in Argentina, per il completamento della conversione operativa e la reimmissione in servizio. Attualmente la nave è mantenuta operativa grazie ai pezzi prelevati dalla sua unità gemella, il Santísima Trinidad, non più operativo dal 1989. Tra il 2005 e il 2006 la nave è stata dotata di un sistema di interscambio dati SITAC (Tiempo Real – SIAG).
L’equipaggio consiste di 166 uomini tra ufficiali sottufficiali e comuni, ed è in grado di ospitare 238 uomini della fanteria di marina per l’impiego operativo.

Musée juif de Francfort-sur-le-Main

Le Musée juif de Francfort-sur-le-Main est situé dans la Hesse, en Allemagne. Il décrit l’histoire et la culture de la communauté juive de la ville du XIIe au XXe siècle.
Le musée a été inauguré le 9 novembre 1988, date commémorant le 50ième anniversaire de la Nuit de Cristal.
L’exposition permanente présente notamment des œuvres de Ludwig Meidner, Eduard Bendemann et Moritz-Daniel Oppenheim ainsi que des objets concernant la vie religieuse et quotidienne juive. Le sort des Juifs de Francfort sous le régime nazi y est clairement documenté.
Une autre branche du musée nommée le Musée Judengasse a été construite dans une autre partie de la ville en 1992.
Ce musée tire son nom du Judengasse, le Ghetto de Francfort créé en 1462. Situé à Börneplatz, il fut bâti sur les fondations de plusieurs maisons juives du quartier. Le musée documente l’histoire du ghetto jusqu’à son abolition en 1796. Les restes des murs de la synagogue de Börneplatz sont présentés dans le musée ainsi qu’un ancien mikvé (bain rituel).
Site officiel du musée

Porządek i Sprawiedliwość

Porządek i Sprawiedliwość (lit. Tvarka ir teisingumas, TiT) – litewska prawicowa, konserwatywna i eurosceptyczna partia polityczna, działająca od 2002.
Funkcjonowała formalnie pod nazwą Porządek i Sprawiedliwość (Liberalni Demokraci) (lit. Tvarka ir teisingumas (liberalai demokratai)), poprzednio działała jako Partia Liberalno-Demokratyczna (lit. Liberalų Demokratų Partija).

Partia Liberalno-Demokratyczna została założona przez zwolenników byłego dwukrotnego premiera, Rolandasa Paksasa, który kilka miesięcy wcześniej odszedł z Litewskiego Związku Liberałów na skutek konfliktu z innymi liderami tego ugrupowania. Pod koniec kadencji parlamentu w 2004 jej klub parlamentarny, kierowany przez Henrikasa Žukauskasa, tworzyło około 15 posłów, w tym także przedstawiciele AWPL.
LDP jako swoją podstawę przyjęła krytykę konkurentów (oskarżających ją głównie o populizm) i popularność swojego przywódcy.
W 2003 kandydujący z jej ramienia w wyborach Rolandas Paksas został w II turze wybrany na urząd prezydenta Litwy, uzyskując 54,9% głosów i pokonując ubiegającego się o reelekcję Valdasa Adamkusa. Na czele ugrupowania stanął wówczas Valentinas Mazuronis. W tym samym roku liberalni-demokraci odnotowali dobry wynik w samorządach, wprowadzając do rad rejonowych i miejskich około 130 swoich przedstawicieli.
Po usunięciu Rolandasa Paksasa przez Sejm w drodze impeachmentu ponownie objął stanowisko przewodniczącego LDP. W wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 „paksiści” uzyskali jeden z 13 mandatów, który objął Rolandas Pavilionis, były rektor Uniwersytetu w Wilnie, a po jego śmierci dwa lata później Eugenijus Maldeikis. Partia przystąpiła w tym okresie do umiarkowanie eurosceptycznej Unii na Rzecz Europy Narodów.
Przed wyborami parlamentarnymi w 2004 z inicjatywy liberalnych demokratów powołano koalicję wyborczą „Za Porządek i Sprawiedliwość”, sygnowaną nazwiskiem odwołanego prezydenta. Poza LDP w jej skład wszedł marginalny Litewski Związek Ludowy „Za Sprawiedliwą Litwę”, Juliusa Veselki, a na liście znalazł się również lider Partii Postępu Narodowego, Egidijus Klumbys.
Z wynikiem 11,36% blok wyborczy zajął czwarte miejsce, uzyskując 11 mandatów, z tego tylko 2 w okręgach większościowych. Partia w dalszym ciągu pozostawała w opozycji do kolejnych rządów kierowanych przez Algirdasa Brazauskasa i Gediminasa Kirkilasa.
W trakcie kadencji jej sejmową frakcję opuściło kilku znanych działaczy (m.in. Henrikas Žukauskas), przystąpiło natomiast do niej kilku parlamentarzystów z innych ugrupowań, w tym znani „trybuni ludowi”, jak Petras Gražulis i Rimantas Smetona.
W 2006 ugrupowanie zmieniło nazwę na Porządek i Sprawiedliwość. W wyborach samorządowych w 2007 z wynikiem 181 mandatów w skali paksiści zajęli czwarte miejsce. Wygrali m.in. w Wilnie, otrzymując 14 z 51 mandatów, a ich przedstawiciel, Juozas Imbrasas, dzięki koalicji m.in. z socjaldemokratami i Akcją Wyborczą Polaków na Litwie objął stanowisko burmistrza.
Partia wystartowała samodzielnie w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2008, uzyskując 12,68% (trzeci wynik), wprowadzając 11 przedstawicieli z listy partyjnej i 2 z okręgów większościowych. Rok później Rolandas Paksas i Juozas Imbrasas dostali się z jej ramienia do Europarlamentu. W 2011 partia wprowadziła do samorządów 155 radnych. W 2012 ugrupowanie otrzymało w okręgu większościowym 7,31% głosów (6 mandatów), 5 jego przedstawicieli uzyskało mandaty w okręgach większościowych.
Partia zawiązała następnie koalicję z LSDP, AWPL i Partią Pracy, współtworząc rząd Algirdasa Butkevičiusa, który rozpoczął urzędowanie 13 grudnia 2012. W 2014 ugrupowanie utrzymało dwuosobową reprezentację w Europarlamencie VIII kadencji. W 2015 partia byłego prezydenta utraciła znaczną część samorządowej reprezentacji, która zmniejszyła się do 84 mandatów.

Orthodox Union

The Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America (UOJCA), more popularly known[Notes 1] as the Orthodox Union (OU), is one of the oldest Orthodox Jewish organizations in the United States. It is best known for its kosher certification service. Its circled-U symbol, Ⓤ, a hechsher mark, is found on the labels of many commercial and consumer food products.
The OU supports a network of synagogues, youth programs, Jewish and Religious Zionist advocacy, programs for the disabled, localized religious study programs, and some international units with locations in Israel and formerly in Ukraine.
It is one of the largest Orthodox Jewish organizations in the United States. Its synagogues and their rabbis typically identify themselves with Modern Orthodox Judaism.

The OU was founded in 1898 by Rabbi Henry Pereira Mendes, and it serves today about 1,000 synagogues and congregations of varying sizes. The need for a national Jewish Orthodox rabbinical organization in the early twentieth century was recognized by a number of groups. The Union of Orthodox Rabbis was the most powerful rabbinical body at that time and many of its members saw great value in establishing the early Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America.
Originally, the OU was formed by the same rabbis who created JTS, the Jewish Theological Seminary. JTS started as an Orthodox institution to combat the hegemony of the Reform movement. At the time, there was no Conservative movement by name, though there was a range of liberalism within Orthodox Jewry. Cracks between the OU and JTS first formed in 1902, shortly after Solomon Schechter’s recruitment from Great Britain to head JTS. Schechter “liberalized” the institution and its approach to Torah study. Most of JTS’s original founders, backers, and staff disavowed the changes,[citation needed] seeing it as headed toward the very philosophy JTS had been intended to hedge against. Exactly 100 days after Schechter’s arrival, they formed a new Orthodox group, Agudath Harabonim, which refused to recognize the rabbinical credentials (Semicha) of those ordained at JTS, though Agudath explicitly wrote that the pre-Schechter graduates of JTS were fine rabbis and welcome.
Without their support, Schechter broke away from Orthodoxy to create the Conservative movement, with JTS as its predominant agency. Conservative Judaism created its own competing synagogue movement in 1913 with the formation of the United Synagogues of Conservative Judaism (USCJ). While not holding strictly to traditional Orthodox interpretations of Jewish law, Conservative synagogues still maintained much of the “look and feel” of the Orthodox synagogue, but did away with the strict gender separation during prayer services which was observed in Orthodox synagogues as a religious obligation. The USCJ actively competed with the OU for synagogue members and succeeded in recruiting many formerly Orthodox congregations, especially during the post-World War II years, when many of those congregations moved away from inner-city Jewish neighborhoods into the newly established suburban Jewish communities.
Conservative Talmudic scholars sought to find justifications in the rabbinic literature for these and other compromises in Jewish law halacha which they instituted over time in synagogue practices and other mitzvah observances which widened its theological differences with the Orthodox establishment. One of the clearest breaks between Orthodox Judaism and Conservative Judaism was the “Sabbath decision of 1949”. This unprecedented decision, which emerged from the Rabbinical Assembly, the rabbinic arm of the Conservative movement, allowing Jews to drive to synagogue (shul) on the Sabbath if they lived too far to walk, made untenable any claim that both camps adhered to the same principles of defining halacha. However, because the OU had no means of enforcing specific religious standards upon its member synagogues, Some of them took down the mechitza (separating barrier) between the men’s and women’s sections during prayer services, while still calling themselves Orthodox and maintaining their membership in the OU. Similarly, it was common during the era for Jews who were not Orthodox in practice to retain their membership in an Orthodox synagogue, motivated by family loyalty, convenience, nostalgia, social obligation or politics.
During the early decades of its existence, the Orthodox Union was closely associated with and was a supporter of the development of Yeshiva University into a major Jewish educational institution producing English-speaking, university-trained American rabbis for the pulpits of OU synagogues. Some Orthodox rabbis viewed the nascent OU and the rabbis of its synagogues as too “modern” in outlook, and thus did not participate in it, instead setting up their own more stringent rabbinical organizations.
Nevertheless, the idea for a national Orthodox congregational body took hold. The OU was soon acknowledged within the American Jewish establishment as the main, but not exclusive spokesman for the American Orthodox community. Representatives of 150 Orthodox congregations, with an estimated membership of 50,000, participated in the OU’s 1919 national convention. The OU became more active in broader American Jewish policy issues after 1924, when Rabbi Dr. Herbert S. Goldstein, the innovative spiritual leader of the West Side Institutional Synagogue of Manhattan became the president of the OU. Under Goldstein, the OU and its Rabbinical Council (a forerunner of today’s Rabbinical Council of America, became a founding member of the Synagogue Council of America, along with representatives of the Reform and Conservative movements and their rabbinic affiliates.
The OU played an active role in advocating for public policies important to Orthodox practice, such as advocating for the five day work week and defending the right to kosher slaughter. It was also involved in efforts to serve the religious needs of American Jewish soldiers as well as relief for European Jewry.
In the 1920s the OU started its Kashruth division, establishing the concept of community-sponsored, not-for-profit kashruth supervision. In 1923, the H. J. Heinz Company’s Vegetarian Beans became the first product to be kosher certified by the OU. The wide acceptance of OU kashruth supervision rested largely upon the outstanding reputation of its rabbinic administrator, Rabbi Alexander S. Rosenberg. He and his staff established effective kashruth supervision standards for modern food production technology which made possible the explosion in the availability of OU certified packaged kosher products across the US since the 1950s.
The OU Women’s Branch was also organized during the 1920s to encourage the formation and support of active sisterhoods in OU synagogue’s. Women’s Branch took on a number of special products, typically related to women’s Jewish education and support for Yeshiva University.
OU operations became more efficient with the appointment in 1939 of Leo S. Hilsenrad as its first full-time professional executive director. Its services were further expanded in 1946, with the addition of Saul Bernstein to the professional staff. Bernstein became the founding editor, in 1951, of Jewish Life the OU’s popular publication for Orthodox laymen. Bernstein also succeeded Hilsenrad as the OU’s administrator.
During the postwar years, there was considerable overlap in the lay leadership of the Orthodox Union and Yeshiva University. The Orthodox Union expanded its operations following the election in 1954 of Moses I. Feuerstein as its president. Its leadership ranks were augmented by a talented group of lay leaders including Joseph Karasick, Harold M. Jacobs and Julius Berman, who would guide the OU’s growth over the next several decades.
Another major development was the appointment, in 1959, of Rabbi Pinchas Stolper as director of the Orthodox Union’s youth group, the National Conference of Synagogue Youth (NCSY). By inspiring thousands of public-school educated high school youth across North America to become more observant, NCSY played a major role in launching the Baal Teshuva movement, a widespread spiritual re-awakening among Jewish youth which followed the 1967 Six Day War.
By the mid- to late-20th century, most synagogues affiliated with the Orthodox Union were under the leadership of rabbis trained by Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik at Yeshiva University’s Rabbi Isaac Elchanan Theological Seminary. These rabbis were ideologically Modern Orthodox. By the 1990s and early 21st century, the OU’s general philosophy and levels of observance may be seen to have shifted towards stricter interpretations and halachic practices. This change has not necessarily affected individual member congregations, but has impacted many Orthodox Jewish communities across America. The general trend toward stricter practices among Orthodox Union congregations reflects American Orthodoxy’s trending toward Haredi Judaism.
OU’s board of directors has had female members since the mid-1970s.
In 2009, Rabbi Steven Weil of Beverly Hills, succeeded Rabbi Tzvi Hersh Weinreb as the OU’s Executive Vice President. In 2011 Rabbi Simcha Katz became president.
In 2014, the first women were elected as national officers of the OU; specifically, three female national vice presidents and two female associate vice presidents were elected.
The Orthodox Union’s Kosher Division headed by CEO Menachem Genack, is the world’s largest kosher certification agency. As of 2010, it supervises more than 400,000 products in 8,000 plants in 80 different countries. It employs approximately 1,000 supervisors, mashgichim in Hebrew, and about 50 rabbinic coordinators. The supervision process involves sending a mashgiach to the production facility to ensure that the product complies with halacha (Jewish law). The mashgiach supervises both the ingredients and the production process.
In 2005, an undercover video purportedly showed cruel treatment of animals in an OU-certified slaughterhouse. The story was featured many times in national newspapers and in Jewish media. The OU defended its limited scope of supervision, while studying changes to its policy. In 2006, the OU’s response was the subject of a video narrated by Jonathan Safran Foer, Irving Greenberg, and David Wolpe.
The OU requires that all member synagogues follow Orthodox Jewish interpretations of Jewish law and tradition. Men and women are seated separately, and nearly always are separated by a mechitza, a physical divider between the men’s and women’s section of the synagogue. Many OU synagogues support the concepts of Religious Zionism, which teaches that the existence of the State of Israel is a step towards the arrival of the Messiah and the eventual return of all Jews around the world to live in the ancient national Jewish homeland. The laws of Shabbat (the Sabbath) and Kashrut (dietary laws) are stressed. Members of OU synagogues have a diverse political background, and are not necessarily members of any one political party. Orthodox Jews tend to be more politically conservative than the rest of the Jewish community. They daven (recite prayers) in Hebrew, using the same traditional text of the siddur (prayer book) that has been used in Ashkenazi and Sphard Jewish communities for the last few centuries. Until recently the most popular English translation of the prayer book used in OU synagogues has been Ha-Siddur Ha-Shalem edited by Philip Birnbaum. In recent years the most popular translated siddur has been the Rabbinical Council of America edition of the Artscroll siddur. Until recently the most common Hebrew-English Humash (Five Books of Moses) used has been the Pentateuch and Haftarahs, edited by Rabbi Joseph H. Hertz; in recent years this has been supplanted by The Chumash: The Stone Edition, also known as the Artscroll Chumash.
The official youth program of the OU, the National Conference of Synagogue Youth (NCSY), was founded in the early 1950s. After a few false starts, NCSY first achieved success under Rabbi Pinchas Stolper by reaching out to public school educated Jewish youth with a message of Orthodox Jewish religious inspiration. It has now expanded its reach to include many already religious mostly Modern Orthodox children attending Jewish day schools. Many marriages have resulted from the social interaction. NCSY boasts that 95% of their members marry other Jews.
For many years the OU, along with its related rabbinic arm, the Rabbinical Council of America, worked with the larger Jewish community in the Synagogue Council of America. In this group Orthodox, Conservative and Reform groups worked together on many issues of joint concern. The group became defunct in 1994, mainly over the objections of the Orthodox groups to Reform Judaism’s official acceptance of patrilineal descent as an option for defining Jewishness. (See Who is a Jew.)

Ryan Malloy

Ryan Malloy is a fictional character from the BBC soap opera EastEnders, played by Neil McDermott. From his arrival on 28 April 2009, the character remained a mystery in the show for a number of months, until he was revealed as the half-brother of established character, Whitney Dean (Shona McGarty). Ryan departed on 26 August 2011, before making a surprise guest appearance on 2 September 2014. Following his former lover, Stacey Branning (Lacey Turner), being sectioned in the episode that aired on 22 January 2016, he then made a surprise return for a short stint to look after his daughter Lily Branning (Aine Garvey).

Ryan first appears on screen on 28 April 2009 when he is seen in the park by Whitney Dean (Shona McGarty) and Shirley Carter (Linda Henry). He asks Whitney if she is all right, but she runs off calling him a “creep”. Weeks later, he helps Whitney and others escape from a fire started in the café by Nick Cotton (John Altman). Whitney then sees Ryan as a mysterious hero. Whitney’s mother, Debra Dean (Ruth Gemmell), turns up at Whitney’s house, saying that a man is after her. Whitney demands to know why, and Debra says she has something belonging to him. They fetch it, but when they return home, Ryan is waiting for them; he is the man who is chasing Debra. Ryan reveals to Whitney he is her half-brother and says he killed someone in self-defence, giving the weapon to Debra to hide. He demands it back from Whitney, but she refuses, and later disposes of it in a canal.
Planning to leave Walford, Ryan spots Ronnie Mitchell (Samantha Womack) and asks Whitney about her. He decides to stay, and moves in with Janine Butcher (Charlie Brooks). Ronnie subsequently offers Ryan a day’s trial at The Queen Victoria public house, during which they kiss and eventually go to Ryan’s flat and have sex—but she stresses that it is just a one-off. Ryan then indulges in petty crime, including stealing from Ian Beale’s (Adam Woodyatt) café and fish and chip shop. When Chelsea Fox (Tiana Benjamin) wins £2,000 on a scratch card, Ryan mugs her. His flatmate Janine finds the cash, and tells Chelsea that Ryan mugged her, so Chelsea’s father Lucas Johnson (Don Gilet) threatens him, and he returns the money. Despite this, Ryan and Janine soon start an on-off fling with each other. At the same time, Janine teams up with Archie Mitchell (Larry Lamb) to try to take over The Vic. She reveals the plans to Ryan, and the pair plot to ultimately take the pub for themselves, double-crossing Archie in the process. Ryan sees Whitney crying in the Square; she is still in love with Tony King (Chris Coghill), her adoptive mother Bianca Jackson (Patsy Palmer)’s onetime boyfriend who is currently in prison for sexually abusing Whitney. Ryan tries to convince Whitney that how Tony had treated her was completely wrong and she storms off; Ryan tells Bianca of Whitney’s revelation. Ryan shows his hatred of Tony during the beginning of his trial by glaring at him from across the room; Tony is shocked. When Whitney’s witness statement is shown in court, Ryan walks out in disgust when she says she was 12 years old when they had sex. He storms back in calling Tony a monster and tells Whitney that Tony is sick and he will get out of prison when he is an old man.
On Christmas Day 2009, Ryan tells Janine that they are over; later he finds her drunk in the car lot. He tells her that Archie has been murdered, then panics when the police arrive to question everyone. When they question Janine, Ryan doesn’t believe that she didn’t kill Archie; he says she should win an award for her acting abilities. Ryan comforts Janine when she only gets a Newton’s cradle in Archie’s will but she says she is not finished. After trying to blackmail Ian, she tells the police that Ian murdered Archie. Ryan is angry with her and says it will draw more attention to herself. He says she makes him sick and storms out. When Janine is arrested after police find Archie’s mother’s engagement ring in her flat, Ryan protests that she has been set up.
Overdue with the rent, Ryan and Janine use Bianca’s son Morgan Jackson-King (Devon Higgs) to raise money, pretending to be collecting for charity, but when Whitney discovers what they’ve done, she takes the money from them. Janine tells Ryan they should come up with a plan to get Archie’s daughter Roxy Mitchell’s (Rita Simons) inheritance from her, so Janine urges Ryan to get close to Roxy. However, he decides to end the plan when he tells Janine they should admit their true feelings to each other, and says he is in love with her even though she is the most horrendous human being he has ever known. Janine remains silent, so Ryan walks away. The next day, Ryan packs his bags but Janine tries to tell him he can’t leave as he owes six weeks’ rent. As he leaves on the tube, she regrets letting him go, follows him onto the train and tells him she loves him. He then finds employment as assistant manager of the bookmakers. However, Janine worries that Ryan will leave when she finds his passport with £500, and as he has no material possessions, she buys him a large television, telling him it is too large to fit in one of his bags so he will be unable to leave.
Ryan and Janine make a bet: Janine must kiss Lucas and Ryan must kiss Stacey Branning (Lacey Turner), and whoever does it first wins. Janine eventually kisses Lucas, much to his surprise and she takes Ryan’s “going-away” money as her prize. After Ryan kisses Stacey, Janine reveals it was for a bet, leaving Stacey upset. Disgusted by Janine’s cruelty, Ryan splits with her. However, they reunite soon after and go on holiday together. When they return, the couple decide to get married. Janine’s brother Ricky Butcher (Sid Owen) throws Ryan a stag party where they get drunk and bond. The next day, Ryan attends his wedding, but Janine stops the service, and admits to Ryan that she almost had an affair as she is scared of commitment. Ryan assures her that he is scared too, and the pair marry anyway. They then attend their reception at The Vic, where Stacey attempts to tell Ryan about his paternity to her daughter, Lily Branning. However, Pat Evans (Pam St. Clement) stops her from telling him, just minutes before a fire erupts in the pub (see Queen Vic Fire Week). Everyone leaves safely, except for Stacey and Lily. Ryan rescues the baby and an unconscious Stacey before the pub explodes. Upon seeing her daughter unharmed, Stacey admits to Ryan he is Lily’s father. Ryan goes to see Stacey in the hospital when she and Lily recover from the fire, and Stacey tells Ryan she is not asking for anything and offers to let Ryan hold Lily, but Ryan declines and walks out. Then he goes on honeymoon with Janine.
When they return, Stacey tells Max Branning (Jake Wood) that Ryan is Lily’s father and has been acting like he does not care. Max confronts Ryan, revealing to Janine that Ryan is the father. He then confronts Stacey saying that he wants nothing to do with his daughter. Stacey then tells Ryan to look at Lily, and he is visibly saddened. Janine later calls social services, saying Stacey is neglecting Lily. The allegation is proved to be false and Stacey attacks Janine. Ryan discovers what happened and stops Janine going to the police, saying she would not get away with it. The next day, Janine assumes Ryan has left her but they later reconcile and agree to forget about the recent events. While Stacey and Janine are in R&R nightclub and then arrested, Ryan is left to look after Lily for the first time. He struggles at first but the next morning tells Janine and Stacey he wants to be a father to Lily. Stacey does not want to let him but Ryan later agrees to pay maintenance and gets a job stealing cars for Phil Mitchell (Steve McFadden), so Stacey lets him hold Lily. On Janine’s birthday, Ryan tells her he is getting her a surprise gift but finds out that he is with Stacey, having Lily’s birth certificate changed, and Ryan later lies about where he was. They attend a party at the Slaters’ house and Janine takes Lily, packs her and Ryan’s things and takes Ryan on a trip, saying she wants to celebrate her birthday. Ryan hears Lily in the back of the car and orders Janine to stop but she says she is planning on going to France and never returning. They argue and eventually she stops on a level crossing, refusing to start the car until Ryan admits he cares more about Stacey. However, the barriers then lower and Janine is unable to start the car until the last second and the train just misses the car. Ryan takes Lily and Janine home and explains to Stacey that Janine heard Lily crying so took her to look after her but promises to Stacey he did not know Janine took Lily.
Ryan works as a barman at the newly refurbished The Vic, and when alone with Stacey, they kiss. However, Stacey tells Ryan to forget it happened. Stacey goes missing and Janine stops him visiting her by locking him in The Vic’s walk-in fridge. Although Ryan thinks it was accidental and Janine saved him, Pat inadvertently reveals it was deliberate. After Kat Moon (Jessie Wallace) allows Ryan to visit Stacey, he realises she is planning to leave and stops her. He reveals he wants to be with Stacey, not Janine and they start an affair. Pat discovers it and tells Janine, who starts to poison Ryan with pills. Eventually he escapes the flat and Stacey finds him as he collapses. Ryan is hospitalised and when he wakes up, Janine admits to overdosing him on sedatives and says she knows about his affair. She says if he loves her, he will not let her go to prison for her actions. Ryan allows Janine to believe he still loves her but then publicly declares his love for Stacey in The Vic. Janine then walks in to see them kissing. She fears she has lost him until she discovers Stacey was Archie’s real killer after receiving a taped confession from Lauren Branning (Jacqueline Jossa). Although the recording is wiped, Janine reveals the truth. Ryan wants to be with Stacey regardless and they plan to flee. However, Stacey is unsure of her feelings for Ryan and takes Lily, leaving without him. Ryan visits Janine in hospital, because she stabbed herself in an attempt to frame Stacey. Janine forgives Ryan but he is unable to forgive her so he removes her oxygen tubes and walks out as she struggles to breathe. Pat discovers this and tells Ryan to end the feud. He then gives his wedding ring to Whitney.
When Janine returns to the Square, Whitney moves in with her. Ryan tries to convince Whitney that Janine is not her friend but to no avail. Later, Ryan tells Whitney he is leaving Walford for a short time to do some work up North. Before he leaves, Ryan asks Kat to give Whitney a job in The Vic, which she agrees to. When Ryan returns, he is horrified to discover that Whitney has been sexually exploited by Rob Grayson (Jody Latham). He gets Whitney a job at The Vic but she turns it down. He urges her to get tested for sexually transmitted infections, which she agrees to, and to go to the police, which she says she is not yet ready to do.
Ryan starts working as a doorman at R&R. He turns down Lauren when she develops a crush on him and sneaks into his bedroom. She later tries to impress him by dressing up but he rejects her advances. Ryan then starts drug dealing and is sacked by Roxy, but then Phil reinstates him. Ryan misses Lily and realises he is in trouble because of the drugs and when Lauren later comforts him, he kisses her. Weeks later, Lauren’s mother Tanya Jessop (Jo Joyner) finds out that Ryan and Lauren are having sex and disapproves of the relationship. When a drugs raid is carried out at The Vic, Ryan is arrested by the police due to Janine alerting them of the drug activities and is later fired from his barman job. Next day later Ryan tries to break up with Lauren for Whitney’s sake, but she wishes to carry on in secret. Ryan gets a phonecall from Fatboy (Ricky Norwood), who tells him Rob has found Whitney. Ryan goes to Southend-on-Sea and tracks down Rob. They fight on the pier and they both fall into the sea. The next day, the police pull Rob’s body from the sea and Whitney thinks Ryan might be dead until he appears. Having killed Rob during the fight, realising Whitney has told the police the entire story and fearing he will go to prison, Ryan insists that he has to leave, so they say an emotional goodbye and he goes on the run.
When Stacey is in prison for murdering Archie, Kat allows Stacey to see Lily, and Whitney talks to Lily about Ryan. Stacey is released and tells Whitney that she wants Lily to have nothing to do with Ryan. Stacey then agrees that Lily needs to meet her father at some point, so Whitney arranges for them to meet at a playground. Ryan arrives late, and Stacey and Lily have already left, so he does not reveal himself.
Two years later, Whitney contacts Ryan to inform him that Stacey has been sectioned at the hospital after suffering from postpartum psychosis. He arrives at The Vic, where Whitney is looking after Lily, and assures a sleeping Lily that he will be there for her. The following day, Ryan is determined to be a father figure in Lily’s life, however Whitney desperately tries to persuade him not to tell her. Whitney later takes Lily to the park to meet Ryan, where Lily states that Ryan is not her father, however he reveals the truth to her. He then arrives at Stacey’s house and tells Stacey’s boyfriend Martin Fowler (James Bye) that he is taking Lily away. After being talked down by Martin and Whitney, Ryan reluctantly hands Lily back over to Martin, but promises Lily that he will return to see her again. Whitney later asks her boyfriend Lee Carter (Danny-Boy Hatchard) and his sister Nancy Carter (Maddy Hill) if Ryan can stay the night at The Vic and the pair reluctantly agree. However, after Whitney and Ryan argue when Whitney suggests that Ryan hands himself into the police, Ryan steals the money from the safe and flees. This causes a catfight between Whitney and Nancy, as Nancy attempts to call the police on Ryan. The next morning, Whitney contacts Ryan and he asks to meet in the park. Lee and Nancy’s father, Mick Carter (Danny Dyer) accompanies Whitney and assures a scared Ryan that he can trust him. It then emerges that Whitney told Mick that Ryan killed Rob, so Whitney and Mick convince Ryan to return the money and hand himself to the police for a lesser charge of manslaughter, to which Ryan agrees on the condition that Whitney and Lily visit him regularly. Whitney shares an emotional goodbye with Ryan as he heads into the police station. Whitney later visits Ryan in prison.
Ryan was introduced to the show as a mystery character, who was credited simply as “Man” to keep his identity hidden. The show’s executive producer, Diederick Santer, remained tight-lipped about the character, saying “I’m not saying too much about him. He’s a character played by an actor… All I’ll say at this point is that he seems to want to talk to Whitney…” The character’s identity was revealed in July 2009 as Whitney Dean’s half brother and the son of Debra Dean (Ruth Gemmell), and he was credited as “Ryan” for the first time on 21 July 2009. Santer then described the character as “intriguing and complex”, adding, “While incognito, he made a big impression on EastEnders viewers. Now they know who he actually is, I’m sure things will get even more exciting.” McDermott auditioned for the part, not knowing the character’s relationship to Whitney, but admits he was “very excited”, adding, “Sometimes you just really want to get a part and for me, this was one of those occasions.”
The character is nine years older than his half sister, and is described as having “something of a dark past”. He is also said to be very moody, with an interest in women, setting his sights on Ronnie Mitchell (Samantha Womack). The character was involved in gangs, although McDermott said “Ryan’s not a really aggressive or violent man, but he’s a thief. He ended up moving away from that, though. He’d love to live a normal life, but he’s never had the opportunity to.” He has been compared to the character of Sean Slater, who was played by Robert Kazinsky, as their scenario and personalities are similar in certain ways. McDermott commented that he sees the character as having a big heart, but scared to show his emotions, saying, “That’s where his aggression comes from — he doesn’t want to get hurt. […] All Ryan needs is a good woman, some sort of mother or father figure, and a good psychiatrist and he’ll be alright!” He also said that the character has lots of secrets that will be revealed over time.
In July 2009, it emerges that the character is looking for his mother as he was involved in a gang and killed a gang member with a knife in self-defence. He asks Debra to hide the knife, but she uses it against him. McDermott revealed that one scene, where Ryan and Debra are constantly talking over each other, had to be filmed in several takes. Another scene features McDermott barechested, which prompted him to attend a gym: “I opened up a script after not being here very long and I just thought ‘ah ok… I need to get down to the gym’, Everyone’s a bit vain when they’ve got to take their clothes off on screen!”
In December 2009, Santer teased about upcoming storylines involving Ryan and his flatmate Janine Butcher (Charlie Brooks), saying: “There’s something really interesting with Ryan and Janine […]. They’re both people who don’t know how to love. So will they fall in love? And if they do, can they cope with it? Will they understand the alien feelings coursing through their bodies?” McDermott stated in March 2010 that he believed Ryan was the right man for Janine, and that they could be perfect for each other, saying: “Janine’s never loved any of the men she’s been with before. She has only ever been in it for the money. Ryan understands her and knows why she does the things she does. They both forgive one another’s mistakes very easily, and that’s why their partnership works.”
On 19 June 2011, it was announced that McDermott had quit EastEnders and that his character would exit in a dramatic storyline later in the year. An EastEnders spokesperson said, “We can confirm Neil is leaving EastEnders. It was a mutual decision that was made before Christmas when Neil’s contract came up for renewal and we wish him all the best for the future.”
Ryan made a brief appearance in the episode broadcast on 2 September 2014.
McDermott was nominated for the Most Popular Newcomer award at the 2010 National Television Awards for his portrayal of Ryan. In 2011, Ryan’s love triangle with Stacey and Janine was nominated at the All About Soap Bubble Awards in the category “Best Love Triangle”.

Verpflichtungserklärung (Ausländerrecht)

Die Abgabe einer Verpflichtungserklärung dient der Absicherung der Kosten für den Lebensunterhalt zu Gunsten eines Drittstaatsangehörigen und ermöglicht diesem den Nachweis im Verwaltungsverfahren, dass die wirtschaftlichen Voraussetzungen für die Erteilung eines Aufenthaltstitels im Hinblick auf § 5 Abs. 1 AufenthG erfüllt werden.

Der Verpflichtungsgeber kann eine natürliche oder eine juristische Person sein. Die Rechtsfolgen einer solchen Erklärung, die gegenüber der Ausländerbehörde oder Auslandsvertretung abzugeben ist, regeln § 66, § 67 und § 68 Aufenthaltsgesetz. Die Verpflichtungserklärung begründet keine unmittelbare Verpflichtung gegenüber dem begünstigten Drittstaatsangehörigen, eröffnet aber staatlichen Stellen eine Rückgriffsmöglichkeit für den Fall, dass sie wegen des Aufenthalts Kosten tragen müssen, denen keine Beitragszahlungen entgegenstanden. So können ggf. Sozialhilfekosten, Leistungen nach dem AsylbLG, jeweils inkl. anfallender Krankenbehandlungskosten, sowie die Kosten einer etwaig erforderlichen Abschiebung einschließlich Abschiebungshaft anfallen, nicht aber Rentenzahlungen, Arbeitslosengeld oder Leistungen für Mitglieder einer Krankenversicherung, da diesen Leistungen stets Beitragszahlungen vorausgegangen sind.
Nach ganz überwiegender Auffassung in der Rechtsprechung sind die Behörden nicht verpflichtet, den Verpflichtungsgeber vor Eingehen seiner Verpflichtung umfassend auf die mit der Verpflichtungserklärung verbundenen Risiken hinzuweisen. Insbesondere ist vielen Verpflichtungsgebern auch nicht bewusst, dass ihre eingegangene Verpflichtung ihnen keinerlei Rechte gegenüber dem Drittstaatsangehörigen verschafft; sie können ihn daher nicht zur Ausreise zwingen oder ihm andere Vorschriften zur Minimierung ihres eigenen Schadens machen (z. B. die Nutzung vorhandenen Wohnraums etc.). Besonders hohe Kostenrisiken ergeben sich vor allem in den folgenden Konstellationen:
Je nach Art und Dauer des angestrebten Aufenthaltes werden an die finanzielle Leistungsfähigkeit des Verpflichteten unterschiedliche Anforderungen gestellt, damit durch sie die Erteilungsvoraussetzung ausreichender Mittel zum Lebensunterhalt erfüllt werden kann. Aufwendungen des Verpflichtungsgebers hierfür können steuerlich berücksichtigt werden, wenn die Voraussetzungen des § 33a EStG („Außergewöhnliche Belastung in besonderen Fällen“) vorliegen.
Die Verpflichtungserklärung wird in der Regel auf einem bundeseinheitlichen und fälschungsgesicherten Formular von der zuständigen Behörde aufgenommen und die Unterschrift des Verpflichtungsgebers beglaubigt. Gesetzlich ist jedoch nicht die Formularverwendung erforderlich, § 68 Abs. 2, S. 1 AufenthG erfordert zur Wirksamkeit lediglich die Schriftform. Verpflichtungserklärungen, die nicht auf dem amtlichen Formular abgegeben werden, können einen anderen Verpflichtungsumfang haben, werden jedoch von den Behörden regelmäßig nicht als ausreichend erachtet. Sie sind dennoch rechtlich wirksam und begründen im abgegebenen Umfang eine Kostenerstattungspflicht. Die Verpflichtungserklärung kann auch im Verfahren für Kurzbesuchervisa (Schengen-Visum) als Nachweis einer sogenannten Einladung verwendet werden. Einige andere Schengen-Anwenderstaaten wie z. B. Frankreich kennen ähnliche Rechtskonstrukte, bislang hat aber neben Deutschland nur ein weiterer Vertragsstaat seinen Erklärungsvordruck durch Vorlage bei der EU-Kommission und Aufnahme in die Anlagen zur gemeinsamen konsularischen Instruktion harmonisiert. Bei der beabsichtigten Neuregelung des Visumrechts der EU soll die Verpflichtungserklärung durch einen einheitlichen Vordruck zum Nachweis von Einladung und Unterkunft ersetzt werden. Die Bestimmungen des deutschen Aufenthaltsrechts wären darauf nicht mehr anwendbar, wodurch die Verpflichtungserklärung als Möglichkeit der Absicherung der öffentlichen Kassen bei Kurzbesuchen nicht mehr in Betracht kommt.
Die Wirkung der Verpflichtungserklärung gemäß dem bundeseinheitlichen Formular endet im Falle einer Ausreisepflicht erst mit der endgültigen Ausreise des Drittstaatsangehörigen aus der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und sonst mit der Erteilung eines Aufenthaltstitels an den Drittstaatsangehörigen zu einem anderen Zweck als demjenigen, für die die Verpflichtung abgegeben wurde.
Seit 2007 wurde die Verpflichtungserklärungen schrittweise auf eine elektronische Einladung umgestellt. Diese ist bei der für den Einladenden zuständigen Fremdenpolizeibehörde (in Wien beim Stadtpolizeikommando des Wohnsitzbezirks) abzugeben. Sie ist kostenlos und umfasst neben der Abgabe der Erklärung unter anderem auch eine Prüfung der Tragfähigkeit der Verpflichtungserklärung. Dadurch entfällt die bisher benötigte notarielle Bestätigung der Unterschrift des Einladenden.
Die Einladenden erhalten eine achtstellige ID-Nummer, die sie dem Eingeladenen bekanntgeben müssen. Dieser gibt bei Antragstellung der zuständigen Vertretungsbehörde im Ausland die besagte Nummer an, unter der die Vertretungsbehörde die Verpflichtungserklärung 48 Stunden nach Abgabe derselben abrufen kann.
Benötigte Unterlagen des Einladenden:

Gaullism

Gaullism (French: Gaullisme) is a French political stance based on the thought and action of World War II French Resistance leader General Charles de Gaulle, who would become the founding President of the Fifth French Republic.
Serge Berstein writes that Gaullism is “neither a doctrine nor a political ideology” and cannot be considered either left or right. Rather, “considering its historical progression, it is a pragmatic exercise of power that is neither free from contradictions nor of concessions to momentary necessity, even if the imperious word of the general gives to the practice of Gaullism the allure of a program that seems profound and fully realized.” Gaullism is “a peculiarly French phenomenon, without doubt the quintessential French political phenomenon of the twentieth century.”
Lawrence D. Kritzman writes that Gaullism may be seen as a form of French patriotism in the tradition of Jules Michelet. He writes: “Aligned on the political spectrum with the Right, Gaullism was committed nevertheless to the republican values of the Revolution, and so distanced itself from the particularist ambitions of the traditional Right and its xenophobic causes, Gaullism saw as its mission the affirmation of national sovereignty and unity, which was diametrically opposed to the divisiveness created by the leftist commitment to class struggle.”

Berstein writes that Gaullism has progressed in multiple stages:
Since 1969, Gaullism is used to describe those identified as heirs to de Gaulle’s ideas.
The “fundamental principle” of Gaullism is a “certain idea of France” as a strong state. This idea appears in de Gaulle’s War Memoirs, in which he describes France as “an indomitable entity, a ‘person’ with whom a mystical dialogue was maintained throughout history. The goal of Gaullism, therefore, is to give precedence to its interests, to ensure that the voice is heard, to make it respected, and to assure its survival … to remain worthy of its past, the nation must endow itself with a powerful state.” Kritzman writes that “the Gaullist idea of France set out to restore the honor of the nation and affirm its grandeur and independence” with de Gaulle seeking to “construct a messianic vision of France’s historic destiny, reaffirm its prestige in the world, and transcend the national humiliations of the past. Accordingly, de Gaulle urged French unity over divisive “partisan quarrels” and emphasized French heritage, including both the Ancien Régime and the Revolution. The French political figures most admired by de Gaulle “were those responsible for national consensus—Louis XIV, Napoleon, Georges Clemenceau—who saw as their goal the creation of political and social unity by a strong state.”
In order to strengthen France, Gaullists also emphasize the need for “a strong economy and a stable society.” Gaullism believes, according to Berstein, that “it is the imperative of the state, as guardian of the national interest, to give impetus to economic growth and to guide it. Liberal opinions is accepted if it promises more efficiency than planning. As for social justice, so long as its natural distrust of big business can be allayed, it is less a matter of doctrine than a means of upholding stability. To put an end to class struggle, Gaullists hope to make use of participation, a nineteenth-century concept of which the general spoke frequently, but which he allowed his associates to ignore.”
As part of a strong state, de Gaulle emphasized the need to base state institutions on a strong executive. This was a departure from the French republican tradition, which emphasized the role of the elected assembly. De Gaulle, during his time in office, sought to establish authority by holding direct universal votes and popular referenda and by directly engaging with the nation (via speeches broadcast over radio, press conferences, and trips to the provinces). While de Gaulle frequently spoke on his respect for democracy, his political opponents perceived in his rule a tendency toward dictatorial power; many feared a Bonapartist revival or a republican monarchy. France remained a democracy, however, and de Gaulle’s decision to step down as president following voters’ rejection of the April 1969 constitutional referendum showed that his commitment to democracy was not merely a rhetorical ploy.
In foreign policy, Gaullists are identified with both realism and French exceptionalism, and de Gaulle sought to impose French influence on the global order. Gaullists supported decolonization, which freed France from the burden of empire. This was reflected in de Gaulle’s resolution of the Algeria crisis (1958–62), which was strongly influenced by de Gaulle’s realpolitik, or “keen sense of political expediency.” De Gaulle realized that decolonization was inevitable, and that a continued crisis and extended Algerian War would harm the French economy and perpetuate national disunity. Accordingly, “de Gaulle felt that it was in France’s best interests to grant independence and desist from military engagement,” thereby preserving French unity and grandeur.
Gaullists emphasize the need for France to “guarantee its national independence without resorting to allies whose interests might not coincide with those of France.” The development of independent French nuclear capability, undertaken at significant effort despite much international criticism, was an outgrowth of this worldview. France under de Gaulle sought to avoid a post-World War II bipolar global political order dominated by the two superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union, and sought to avoid dependence on the United States. Kritzman writes: “Gaullist foreign policy was motivated by its need to distinguish itself from … the two great superpowers. Paradoxically, [de Gaulle] desired to be part of the Western alliance and be critical of it at the same time on key issues such as defense.” Most notably, de Gaulle withdrew France from North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military operations in 1966, and directed non-French NATO troops to leave France, although France remained a NATO member. Gaullists were also critical of the overseas economic influence of the U.S. and the role of the U.S. dollar in the international monetary system. Under de Gaulle, France established diplomatic relations with China earlier than any other Western nation; imposed an arms embargo against Israel (1967); and denounced American imperialism in the Third World.
De Gaulle and the Gaullists did not support Europe as a supranational entity, but did favor European integration in the form of “a confederation of sovereign states mutually engaged in “common policy, autonomous from the superpowers,” and significantly influenced by France. De Gaulle’s hopes to advance this sort of union largely failed, however, “in the face of the desire of the other European powers to remain closely allied to the United States.
De Gaulle’s political legacy has been profound in France. De Gaulle’s successor as president, Georges Pompidou, consolidated Gaullism during his term from 1969 to 1974. Once-controversial Gaullist ideas have become accepted as part of the French political consensus and “are no longer the focus of political controversy.” For example, the strong presidency was maintained by all of de Gaulle’s successors, including the socialist François Mitterrand (president 1981–95). French independent nuclear capability and a foreign policy influenced by Gaullism (although expressed “in more flexible terms”) remains “the guiding force of French international relations.” Berstein writes: “It is no exaggeration to say that Gaullism has molded post-war France. At the same time, considering that the essence of Gaullist ideas are now accepted by everyone, those who wish to be the legitimate heirs of de Gaulle (e.g., Jacques Chirac of the RPR) now have an identity crisis. It is difficult for them to distinguish themselves from other political perspectives.”
Not all Gaullist ideas have endured, however. Since the 1980s, there have been several periods of cohabitation (1986-1988, 1993-1995, 1997-2002), in which the president and prime minister have been from different parties, a marked shift from the “imperial presidency” of de Gaulle. De Gaulle’s economic policy, based on the idea of dirigisme (state stewardship of the economy) has also weakened. As recently as the mid-1980s, the major French banks, as well as insurance, telecommunications, steel, oil and pharmaceutical companies, were state-owned. Starting in the mid-1980s and continuing through the 1990s and 2000s, the French government has privatized many state assets.

USS Richard S. Bull (DE-402)

USS Richard S. Bull (DE-402) was a John C. Butler-class destroyer escort acquired by the United States Navy during World War II. The primary purpose of the destroyer escort was to escort and protect ships in convoy, in addition to other tasks as assigned, such as patrol or radar picket.
She was named in honor of Ensign Richard S. Bull (1913–1942) who was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross. She was laid down 18 August 1943 by Brown Shipbuilding Co., Houston, Texas; launched 16 November 1943; sponsored by Mrs. Richard S. Bull, Sr.; and commissioned 26 February 1944, Lieutenant Commander A. W. Gardes in command.

Following shakedown off Bermuda, Richard S. Bull departed Boston, Massachusetts, 6 May 1944, and proceeded via the Panama Canal to Pearl Harbor, arriving on the 30th. Reaching Eniwetok 27 June, she escorted Long Island (CVE-1) and other escort carriers to Pearl Harbor, arriving 5 July.
Returning to Eniwetok, she joined a task force including USS Sangamon (CVE-26) on 6 August. Arriving at Manus on the 13th, she supported the landings on Morotai 15 September. Departing Manus, she protected carrier forces supporting the landings on Leyte 20 October. She rescued a fighter pilot from Chenango (CVE-28) on the 22d.
During the Battle off Samar on the 25th, she operated in group “Taffy One,” about 130 miles (210 km) south of the main Japanese attack upon “Taffy Three.” Following a kamikaze attack upon Taffy One, she rescued 24 men from Suwanee (CVE-27). On the 29th Richard S. Bull discovered and rescued 139 survivors of Eversole (DE-404), sunk by Japanese submarine I-45 off Dinagat Island, Philippine Islands. Nearby, Whitehurst (DE-634) sank I-45.
After transferring the Eversole survivors to Bountiful (AH-9), at Kossol Roads, Palau Island, she proceeded with escort carriers from Manus to Pearl Harbor, arriving 19 November. After escorting Shamrock Bay (CVE-84) to arrival at Manus 22 December, she departed with Marcus Island (CVE-77), and proceeded via Leyte to the landings 9 January 1945 at Lingayen Gulf, Luzon, Philippine Islands. Proceeding via Ulithi and Saipan, she rescued three aviators from Natoma Bay (CVE-62) on 17 February, and then protected escort carriers supporting the landings on Iwo Jima on the 19th. Departing the Iwo Jima area 10 March, she proceeded via Guam and Ulithi to the Okinawa Gunto.
From 1 April to 16 May, she protected escort carriers supporting assault forces on Okinawa. Returning 2 June from Saipan, she continued to guard carrier air operations against Okinawa. Voyaging with Sargent Bay (CVE-83) to arrival at Leyte 23 June, she joined the Philippine Sea Frontier, escorting convoys to Morotai, Hollandia, and Ulithi. She provided medical treatment 30 August to casualties aboard SS Peter White, damaged by a mine in the northern Philippines. Following convoy escort duty from Leyte to Ulithi and Okinawa, she departed Leyte 14 October, and steamed via Eniwetok and Pearl Harbor to San Diego, California, arriving 6 November.
She entered the Pacific Reserve Fleet in March 1946, and remained in the Reserve Fleet until struck from the Navy List 30 June 1968, and sunk as a target off California, 24 June 1969.
Richard S. Bull received five battle stars for her service in the Pacific War.
This article incorporates text from the public domain Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships.